And Justice for Some

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Table of Contents


Major Findings

The overrepresentation of minorities, particularly African Americans, in the nation’s prisons has received much attention in recent years. However, the disproportionate representation of racial/ethnic groups is not limited to adult prisons and jails. It is also found among youth confined in secure juvenile facilities.

Unfortunately, research in this area specific to Latino youth is scant. Inconsistencies in the collection and presentation of information on Latino populations in the justice system continue to be a problem. Since many data systems fail to disaggregate ethnicity from race, Latino youth are often counted as "White." As a result, data on the extent to which minority populations are overrepresented in the juvenile juctice system are generally underreported in much of the analysis of this issue.

While public attention has tended to focus on the disproportionate number of minorities in confinement, minority overrepresentation is often a product of actions that occur at earlier points in the juvenile justice system, such as the decision to make the initial arrest, the decision to hold a youth in detention pending investigation, the decision to refer a case to juvenile court, the prosecutor’s decision to petition a case, and the judicial decision and subsequent sanction.

Some have argued that this overrepresentation of minority youth in the justice system simply is a result of minority youth committing more crimes than White youth. However, a fair analysis is much more complicated. Thus, it is not clear whether this overrepresentation is the result of differential police policies and practices (e.g., targeting patrols in certain low-income neighborhoods, policies requiring immediate release to biological parents, group arrest procedures); location of offenses (minority youth using or selling drugs on street corners, White youth using or selling drugs in homes); different behavior by minority youth (e.g., whether minority youth commit more crimes than White youth); differential reactions of victims to offenses committed by White and minority youth (e.g., whether White victims of crimes disproportionately perceive the offenders to be minority youth); or racial bias within the justice system. In addition, in a meta-analysis of studies on race and the juvenile justice system, researchers have found that about two-thirds of the studies of disproportionate minority confinement showed negative "race effects" at one stage or another of the juvenile justice process.1

It is clear that minority youth are more likely than others to come into contact with the juvenile justice system. Research suggests that this disparity is most pronounced at the beginning stages of involvement with the juvenile justice system. When racial/ethnic differences are found, they tend to accumulate as youth are processed through the system. The first report released by Building Blocks for Youth, entitled "The Color of Justice," documents the significant racial differences that exist in the way minority youth are processed through the justice system in California. That report showed that minority youth are disproportionately transferred to adult court and sentenced to incarceration compared to White youths charged with similar offenses. Information contained in this report documents the cumulative disadvantage of minority youth across the nation.
Arrest Referral to Juvenile Court Detention Formal Processing Waiver to Adult Court Disposition Incarceration in Juvenile Facilities Incarceration in Adult Prisons

Introduction

There has been growing national concern about the overrepresentation of minority youth (traditionally defined as African American, Native American, Latino, and Asians) confined in secure facilities. Research has shown that minority youth, and in particular African Americans, are confined in public correctional facilities at rates disproportionate to their representation in the general population. Disproportionate minority confinement (DMC), as defined by the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act refers to a situation in which the minority proportion of juveniles detained or confined in secure detention facilities, secure correctional facilities, jails, and lockups exceeds the proportion of such groups in the general population. While public attention may have focused on the disproportionate number of minorities in confinement, minority overrepresentation is often a product of actions that occur at earlier points in the juvenile justice system.

In order to put the representation of minority youth in context it is necessary to view the justice system as a process. Representation of minority youth can be examined as a series of critical decision points as youth progress through the system. Accordingly, amendments to the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act required states to assess the level of minority youth confinement in their juvenile justice systems by systematically identifying the extent of overrepresentation at each decision point in the process. This systematic approach views the overall process that creates overrepresentation rather than focusing only on the end result of confinement.

Depending on local practices and traditions, states and communities can differ in the way that they process juvenile law violators. However, a common set of critical decision points regarding arrest, intake, detention, adjudication, and disposition have become the cornerstone for researchers' examination of minority overrepresentation.

Studies finding evidence of disproportionate minority confinement typically ascribe its causes to either racial bias against minority youth within the juvenile justice system or more serious and/or more frequent offenses being committed by minority youth.2 Determining whether either or both of these phenomenon are the reason for disparity requires analysis of detailed data providing information on specific offense classifications, criminal history, and other factors used in decision-making. Studies such as this suggest that processing decisions in many states and local juvenile justice systems are not racially neutral. Minority youth are more likely than White youth to become involved in the system with their overrepresentation increasing at each stage of the process.

Research also suggests that disparity is most pronounced at the beginning stages of involvement with the juvenile justice system or, more specifically, at the intake and detention decision points. When racial/ethnic differences are found, they tend to accumulate as youth are processed through the system. This "cumulative disadvantage" of minority youth within the juvenile justice system is reflected in a 1997 report on DMC 3 which found that overrepresentation increased from the point of arrest through other points in the system to the final point of secure (juvenile) corrections in 31 of 36 states studied. The first Building Blocks for Youth report, "The Color of Justice," 4 found a similar "cumulative disadvantage" for youth in California who were waived to adult court and sentenced to prison.

As expected, much of the existing research on DMC has primarily focused on disparity in the processing of youth through the juvenile court and the disproportionate confinement of minority youth in facilities while under juvenile court jurisdiction. However, with lawmakers across the country actively pursuing measures to "get tough" on serious and violent juvenile offending, increasing numbers of juveniles are being processed through adult criminal courts. Currently, all states and the District of Columbia allow adult criminal prosecution of juveniles under some circumstance. In addition, between 1992 and 1997, legislatures in 47 States and the District of Columbia enacted laws that either made it easier to transfer youth from the juvenile justice system to the criminal justice system, that gave criminal and juvenile courts expanded sentencing options, or modified or removed traditional juvenile court confidentiality provisions.

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As a result, the consequences of disproportionate numbers of minority youth flowing through the juvenile justice system is no longer just about juvenile court sanctions. It is now also about disproportionate numbers of minority youth subject to adult court processing and incarceration in adult jails and prisons. A 1998 report showed that African American youth were less than one-half (41%) of cases involving a juvenile charged with a felony and processed through the juvenile justice system but two-thirds (67%) of such cases transferred from juvenile court jurisdiction and handled in the criminal justice system. 6 Almost two-thirds of all juveniles transferred on a felony charge were convicted in adult court and about two-thirds of these convictions involved incarceration–49% in adult prison and 19% in adult jails. Indeed, a recent study by the Bureau of Justice Statistics of the U.S. Department of Justice reports that the number of people under age 18 who are sentenced to adult state prisons each year more than doubled between 1985 and 1997-from 3,400 to 7,400.

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Unfortunately, research in this area specific to Latino youth is scant. Inconsistencies in the collection and presentation of information on Latino populations in the justice system continue to be a problem. Since many data systems fail to disaggregate ethnicity from race, Latino youth are often counted as "White." As a result, data on the extent to which minority populations are overrepresented in the juvenile juctice system are generally underreported in much of the analysis of this issue.

Methodology

This report presents several sources of data and utilizes both original and previously published analysis. National estimates of juvenile arrest data derived from the FBI's Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Program were obtained from Juvenile Arrests 1998,one of a series of reports published by OJJDP.

Analysis of juvenile court data was performed utilizing national estimates developed by the OJJDP's National Juvenile Court Data Archive and distributed through the data presentation and analysis package, Easy Access to Juvenile Court Statistics. The juvenile corrections data from OJJDP's Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement was adapted from analysis presented in OJJDP’s Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1999 National Report. Additional information on juveniles in corrections was also obtained from the Juveniles Taken into Custody Program. Analysis presented on juveniles in adult custody was derived from research presented by the Bureau of Justice Statistics in the Special Report series of publications utilizing data collected by the National Corrections Reporting Program.

Generally, "disproportionate minority confinement" refers to differences between the minority proportion of youth in confinement and the minority proportion of youth in the general population. However, as described in Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1999 National Report, the following key terms are often used when examining this issue and are key to understanding this occurrence:

The Arrest

Police are typically the first officials of the justice system that a youth encounters. Responses range from a simple warning, to arrest and detention, to transfer to adult court.

Decisions by law enforcement are pivotal in determining the profile of cases formally involved in the juvenile justice system. At arrest, a decision is made to either send the matter further into the justice system or to divert the matter, usually into alternative programs. In 1997, about two-thirds of all juvenile arrests were referred to juvenile court, one-quarter were handled within the department and released, less than one in 10 were referred to adult court, and the remainder were referred to another agency.

United States law enforcement agencies made an estimated 2.6 million arrests of persons under age 18 in 1998 (Table 1). Less than 5% of those arrests were for Violent Crime Index offenses, and less than one tenth of 1% were for murder.

The majority (71%) of those arrests involved White youth. Still, African American youth were overrepresented in most offense categories. Some have argued that this overrepresentation of minority youth in the justice system simply is a result of minority youth committing more crimes than White youth. However, a fair analysis is much more complicated. Thus, it is not clear whether this overrepresentation is the result of differential police policies and practices (e.g., targeting patrols in certain low-income neighborhoods, policies requiring immediate release to biological parents, group arrest procedures); location of offenses (minority youth using or selling drugs on street corners, White youth using or selling drugs in homes); different behavior by minority youth (e.g., whether minority youth commit more crimes than White youth); differential reactions of victims to offenses committed by White and minority youth (e.g., whether White victims of crimes disproportionately perceive the offenders to be minority youth); or racial bias within the justice system. In addition, in a meta-analysis of studies on race and the juvenile justice system, researchers have found that about two-thirds of the studies of disproportionate minority confinement showed negative "race effects" at one stage or another of the juvenile justice process.

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Table 1: Racial Proportions of Youth Under Age 18, 1998 79% 15% 1% 4%
 

Percent of total arrests

Most serious offense charged

Estimated number of juvenile arrests

White

African American

Native American

Asian

Total 2,603,300 71% 26% 1% 2%
Violent Crime Index 112,200 55 42 1 1
Murder 2,100 47 49 3 2
Rape 5,300 59 39 1 1
Robbery 32,500 43 54 1 2
Aggravated Assault 72,300 61 37 1 2
Property Crime Index 596,100 70 27 1 2
Burglary 116,000 73 24 1 2
Larceny-theft 417,100 70 26 1 2
Motor Vehicle Theft 54,100 61 36 1 2
Arson 9,000 80 18 1 1
Non-Index 1,895,000 73 25 1 1
Other assaults 237,700 64 33 1 1
Forgery and counterfeiting 7,100 77 21 1 2
Fraud 11,300 64 34 <1 2
Embezzlement 1,600 61 37 1 1
Stolen property, buying, Receiving, possessing 33,800 60 38 1 2
Vandalism 126,800 80 17 1 1
Weapons carrying, possessing, etc. 45,200 66 32 1 1
Prostitution 1,400 56 43 1 1
Sex offenses (except forcible rape and prostitution) 15,900 70 28 1 1
Drug abuse violations 205,800 66 32 1 1
Gambling 1,600 15 84 -- 1
Offenses against the family and child. 10,200 79 19 1 2
Driving under the influence 21,000 91 6 2 1
Liquor laws 157,300 92 5 3 1
Drunkenness 24,600 89 7 3 1
Disorderly Conduct 183,700 67 32 1 1
Vagrancy 2,900 71 27 1 <1
All other offenses (except traffic) 453,000 73 25 1 2
Suspicion 1,300 79 20 1 1
Curfew and loitering law violations 187,800 71 27 1 1
Runaways 165,100 78 18 1 3
Note: Detail may not add to total due to rounding.

The data does not disaggregate Latino youth from race. In 1998, 91% of Latino youth were identified as White.

Source: Adapted from Juvenile Arrests 1998, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (1999) and Crime in the United States, 1998, Federal Bureau of Investigation (1999).

Population Data Source: U.S. Population Estimates by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1980-1998, U.S. Census Bureau, (1999).

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